Otto Bula was a Liberal senator and a cattle rancher from Córdoba. He became Odebrecht’s key intermediary in Colombia for adding the Ocaña-Gamarra section to Ruta del Sol II. He then became the witness who made it possible to convict others. This piece does not follow his conviction, but his money. It reconstructs how much the construction company paid him, how much he returned and with which assets he tried to pay. It also explains what happened to the 687 assets that prosecutors seized in 2017 for asset forfeiture. It is, moreover, a case in which the plea agreement downgraded his role from perpetrator to accomplice.
The short answer. Otto Bula’s money comes in and goes out with known figures. He acknowledged that Odebrecht paid him some 4,500 million pesos for arranging the Ocaña-Gamarra section. He paid a fine of more than 6,600 million with a country house and two promissory notes, and served a 66-month sentence. In 2019 the Comptroller’s Office rejected a farm he offered as payment over flood risk. In 2017 prosecutors seized a total of 687 assets valued at more than 50,000 million pesos, but no asset forfeiture ruling is on record. He has been free since 20 May 2022.
Who Otto Bula is and why his case matters in October 2026
Bula reached Congress under the wing of former senator Mario Uribe Escobar. According to his account before the courts, he began working for Odebrecht in 2012 as an intermediary, according to El Tiempo. His «services» included moving bank transactions without raising suspicion. He was arrested in January 2017. Since then he has become the prosecution’s most valuable witness in the case.
His case matters for this series because it is the link connecting Odebrecht’s money to members of Congress and the National Infrastructure Agency. He confirmed that the arrangement involved Luis Fernando Andrade and Bernardo Elías, according to El Tiempo. His testimony also underpinned the accusations against Roberto Prieto, manager of the Santos campaign.
Timeline of Bula’s money, decision by decision
| Date | Body | Decision | Evidence level |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2012 | Bula and Odebrecht | Begins working as the construction company’s intermediary | Acknowledged by Bula |
| 2014 | Odebrecht | Payments of some 4,500 million pesos for the addition of Ocaña-Gamarra | Acknowledged by Bula |
| January 2017 | Prosecutors | Arrest of Bula | Proven |
| February 2017 | Prosecutors | Seize 687 assets valued at more than 50,000 million pesos for asset forfeiture | Ongoing, no ruling |
| 14 February 2017 | Prosecutors | Close the investigation into alleged paramilitary links as time-barred | Closed without ruling on the merits |
| 2018 | Prosecutors | Extend the opportunity principle by six months while he cooperates | Proven |
| June 2019 | Comptroller General’s Office | Rejects the «La Bomba» farm as payment over flood risk and airport restrictions | Proven |
| November 2019 | Bula and prosecutors | Plea agreement: 5 years in prison and payment of 6,600 million pesos | Proven |
| 13 January 2020 | 15th Criminal Circuit Judge of Bogotá | Approves the plea agreement | Proven |
| 5 February 2020 | 15th Criminal Circuit Judge of Bogotá | 66 months for illicit enrichment and bribery; fine of more than 6,600 million | Conviction |
| 2021 | Superior Court of Bogotá | Upholds the conviction despite the Procuraduría’s appeal; 80-month disqualification | Final |
| 20 May 2022 | Second Sentence Enforcement Court of Zipaquirá | Orders his release after completing the 66 months | Proven |
The 4,500 million: how the money came in
According to La Silla Vacía, Bula acknowledged that Odebrecht paid him some 4,500 million pesos. The service: helping to secure the addition of the Ocaña-Gamarra section to the Ruta del Sol II contract. The concessionaire’s auditor, Jorge Pizano, stated that Brazilian executive Eder Paolo Ferracuti met Bula to coordinate the payment, according to Infobae. Pizano later died in circumstances that raised suspicions. Bula also testified that one million dollars of the bribes was earmarked for the manager of the Santos campaign. That sentence opened Roberto Prieto’s case file.
The 6,600 million: how the money went out
In November 2019, Bula agreed with prosecutors to accept five years in prison and pay 6,600 million pesos, according to El País. On 13 January 2020, the 15th Criminal Circuit Judge of Bogotá approved the plea agreement. On 5 February he read the sentence: 66 months in prison for illicit enrichment and bribery by giving or offering, according to El Tiempo. The fine exceeded 6,600 million. Bula paid it with a country house worth 3,300 million and two promissory notes of 1,650 million each. The judge himself described the sentence as «low», but approved it because of the value of his cooperation, according to El Heraldo. As part of the agreement, his role was downgraded from perpetrator to accomplice and he committed to a «symbolic reparation» in the media for the damage to the ANI.
The Procuraduría appealed, considering the sentence too lenient, according to El Espectador. Judge Jairo José Agudelo, of the Superior Court of Bogotá, concluded that the plea agreement did not breach any guarantees and upheld the conviction in full. The final ruling included the 66 months, an 80-month disqualification and the fine, according to El País.
The farm the Comptroller did not want
Part of the 3,300 million in compensation was to be paid with «La Bomba», a 5-hectare farm near Montería, next to Los Garzones airport. In June 2019, the Comptroller’s Office rejected it on the basis of an opinion from Central de Inversiones, according to El Tiempo. The report warned of a «very high» flood threat and an airport restriction zone. The valuation also clashed. The cadastral appraisal was 231 million pesos. The defence put it at between 4,400 and 5,500 million after changes to the Land Use Plan. Moreover, the property was not in Bula’s name, but in that of an agricultural company. Prosecutors ordered a new study and were preparing to accept the asset in order to sell it.
The 687 assets: the trail without a ruling
In February 2017, shortly after his arrest, prosecutors seized 687 assets linked to Bula for asset forfeiture, according to El Tiempo. They were valued at more than 50,000 million pesos. They included 645 head of cattle and properties in Cartagena, Córdoba, Sucre, Bolívar, Antioquia and Bogotá. Prosecutors were investigating the origin of those assets. The hypotheses: dealings with alias «Pichi Calvo», of the Oficina de Envigado, the Odebrecht bribes or land purchases in Montes de María in a context of forced displacement.
In March 2017, the Land Restitution Unit and the Procuraduría pointed to purchases of more than 3,650 hectares, according to El Tiempo. They were in San Jacinto, El Carmen de Bolívar, Ovejas and Turbo, with hundreds of restitution claims. The sources consulted record no asset forfeiture ruling or criminal conviction over these facts. It is the largest money trail in the file and the only one without judicial closure.
What was closed: the alleged paramilitary links
Former paramilitary leader Juan Carlos Sierra, alias «el Tuso», testified before US authorities, according to Noticias Caracol. He said Bula was a partner and front man of Mario Uribe Escobar. He said he negotiated properties with paramilitaries in Antioquia and Córdoba. Prosecutors opened an investigation for conspiracy to commit a crime. On 14 February 2017 they closed it without ruling on the merits because the facts dated from 1998 and the action was time-barred, according to Vanguardia. Bula was never convicted over this.
What Bula says and what his accusers say
Bula accepted the facts and asked for forgiveness at the 2020 hearing. «I am remorseful, I have asked for forgiveness, I have a commitment to my family… of non-repetition», he said, according to El Tiempo. Prosecutors consider him one of the most valuable witnesses in the case. The Procuraduría considered his sentence too lenient and lost the appeal. On the farm and the 687 assets, his defence disputed the valuations and the ownership.
How to read this case file
Three keys. First: the money received, 4,500 million, and the money paid, 6,600 million, appear in his own confession and in the ruling. Second: the sentence is short because it was a plea agreement with a downgrade to accomplice, and the judge acknowledged as much. Third: the asset forfeiture over 50,000 million pesos in assets has had no ruling since 2017. To compare with the senator his testimony helped convict, Bajo Lupa Digital publishes the case file of Bernardo «Ñoño» Elías.
Frequently asked questions (FAQ)
How much money did Otto Bula receive from Odebrecht?
Some 4,500 million pesos, by his own admission before the courts as reported by La Silla Vacía. The payment was for helping to secure the addition of the Ocaña-Gamarra section to the Ruta del Sol II contract.
How much did Bula pay in fines?
More than 6,600 million pesos. He paid them with a country house worth 3,300 million and two promissory notes of 1,650 million each, according to El Tiempo. The fine was part of the plea agreement with prosecutors of November 2019.
Why did the Comptroller’s Office reject Bula’s farm?
Because a technical opinion from Central de Inversiones warned of a «very high» flood threat. Moreover, the property was in the restriction zone of Montería’s Los Garzones airport. The cadastral appraisal of «La Bomba» was 231 million pesos, against the 4,400 to 5,500 million claimed by the defence.
What happened to Bula’s 687 assets?
Prosecutors seized them in February 2017 for asset forfeiture. They were valued at more than 50,000 million and included 645 head of cattle and properties in six departments. The sources consulted record no ruling declaring the forfeiture or ordering their return.
How long was Otto Bula in prison?
He served the full 66 months of his sentence, part of it in La Picota prison and the final 15 months at his home. The Second Sentence Enforcement Court of Zipaquirá ordered his release on 20 May 2022.
Why was his sentence so low?
Because he accepted a plea agreement in exchange for cooperating. His role was downgraded from perpetrator to accomplice. The judge himself described the sentence as «low», but approved it because it complied with the Criminal Code given the value of his cooperation. The Procuraduría appealed and lost.
Whom did Bula’s testimony help convict?
Former senators Bernardo «Ñoño» Elías and Antonio José Correa, according to La Silla Vacía. It also underpinned the accusations against Luis Fernando Andrade, former president of the ANI. He further stated that one million dollars was going to the manager of the Santos campaign, Roberto Prieto.
Was Bula convicted over paramilitary links?
No. Prosecutors closed that investigation on 14 February 2017 because the facts dated from 1998 and the criminal action was time-barred. There was no ruling on the merits.
Sources consulted
- Infobae: Queda en libertad el excongresista Otto Bula (20 May 2022)
- El País (Colombia): Otto Bula pacta con Fiscalía pagar 5 años de cárcel (2019)
- El Heraldo: Condenan a cordobés Otto Bula a cinco años de cárcel (2020)
- El Tiempo: Otto Bula en libertad tras cumplir condena (2022)
- El Espectador: Tribunal Superior de Bogotá confirmó la condena (2021)
- La Silla Vacía: Otto Bula pasará de encanado a condenado (2020)
- El Tiempo: Cuántos años de cárcel pagará Otto Bula en realidad (2020)
- El Tiempo: Condenan a Otto Bula a 5 años de cárcel y multa (5 February 2020)
- El País (Colombia): Tribunal confirmó pena de cinco años y medio (2021)
- Dinero: Otto Bula tendrá principio de oportunidad por seis meses más (2018)
- El Tiempo: El enfrentamiento por el polémico lote que Otto Bula entregó (2019)
- El Tiempo: Ocupan 687 bienes del excongresista Otto Bula (2017)
- El Tiempo: Bienes de Otto Bula tendrían nexo con la mafia y el despojo de tierras (2017)
- El Tiempo: Otto Bula se quedó con tierras de campesinos (2017)
- El Tiempo: Otto Bula estaría detrás de despojo de tierras (2017)
- Noticias Caracol: Declaraciones de exparas sobre Otto Bula lo tienen en el radar de EE. UU. (2017)
- Vanguardia: Fiscalía archivó investigación a Otto Bula por supuestos nexos con paramilitares (14 February 2017)
This piece records documented facts and allegations attributed to their authors. The mention of an allegation does not imply its truth, and the position of the person named is recorded in each case. Bajo Lupa Digital offers Otto Bula space to respond and will update the text with every development. Information verified as of 8 October 2026.
Investigative Journalist and Public Policy Analyst
Damia Huerta Barajas is an investigative journalist specializing in the analysis of political case files, power auditing, and accountability in Latin America. Her career focuses on the rigorous examination of official documents, court rulings, mercantile registries, and financial schemes linked to figures of public relevance and electoral processes.
Professional Focus and Methodological Rigor: Huerta Barajas’s journalistic work is characterized by a strict methodology based on the documentary verification of primary sources. Through her investigations, she addresses the intersection of institutional politics, legal disputes, and corporate transparency, offering readers documented contexts that prioritize fact-checking over media speculation.
Her coverage beats include the auditing and oversight of political careers through meticulous tracking of candidate dossiers for elected office, management histories, and legal controversies; the investigation of financial and corporate networks focused on analyzing commercial relationships, mercantile litigation, and business structures with an impact on public affairs; and data journalism and contextual verification through the exposure of court rulings, debt registries, and documented backgrounds to strengthen informed public debate.
Commitment to Editorial Transparency: Framed within the principles of in-depth journalism, Damia Huerta Barajas’s work responds to the need to provide citizens with reliable and cross-checked analytical tools. Her approach seeks to unravel complex processes through the direct exposure of documentary evidence, fostering rigorous, auditable investigative journalism focused on institutional transparency.